Opinio Juris

A weblog dedicated to reports, commentary, and debate on current developments and scholarship
in the fields of international law and politics

Wednesday, May 14, 2008

New Blog About the Trial of Alberto Fujimori
I have blogged from time to time about the trial of Alberto Fujimori, the former President of Peru. Interested readers now have a new — and far better — source of information about the trial: Fujimori on Trial, a new bilingual Spanish/English blog sponsored by the Praxis Institute for Social Justice. Here is the blog's self-description:
Praxis Institute for Social Justice invites you to visit our bilingual liveblog and follow current developments in the ongoing human rights trial of former Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori.

Fujimori served from 1990-2000, and is suspected of committing innumerable human rights violations during his decade in office. These allegations have been documented by the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in its Final Report, published in 2003, and the trial against the former president marks the fulfillment of one of the TRC’s most important recommendations for preventing future human rights violations by the state.

This precedent-setting trial began on Human Rights Day (December 10, 2007) soon after Fujimori’s extradition from Chile, making him the first head of state to be extradited to his home country to stand trial for human rights violations. The trial holds great importance for the development of both human rights and international criminal law. The liveblog seeks to expand coverage of these proceedings and see that Fujimori receives a fair trial, while also ensuring that he is held accountable for any crimes he committed.

The Fujimori on Trial blog is one component of our Trial Monitoring Project funded by the Foundation Open Society Institute (FOSI) and in collaboration with the International Senior Lawyers Project (ISLP). It includes frequent posts by our expert national and international observers, news summaries, links to relevant documents, and observations and analyses by experts, students and victims of human rights violations in Peru. It is intended to be a resource for journalists, students, academics, human rights victims and the general public.

We invite English and Spanish speakers to join our dialogue and share their ideas and perspectives. Please share the blog with others!
As one of the directors of the Praxis Institute pointed out to me, the lack of international attention to Fujimori's trial may embolden the current Peruvian government to risk pardoning him if he is convicted. With luck, this blog will help raise the trial's international profile, making such a move far more politically costly.

Saturday, May 3, 2008

Is There an International Law Right to "Autonomy"?
I doubt there is any international law relevant to this emerging crisis in Bolivia, where certain regions are seeking "autonomy" (but not independence) from the central government. Still, it is serious enough to spur international action (the OAS is on the case). And perhaps it is a prelude to secession, and autonomy is laying the groundwork. I don't know enough about this area to say that this typically happens in secession situations.

This divided country faces a constitutional crisis Sunday when its richest and second most-populous province votes whether to declare itself autonomous from President Evo Morales's national government, a referendum the president has called illegal.

If the referendum passes, as polls show it overwhelmingly will, leaders of Santa Cruz province say they'll elect a state legislature, organize local police and otherwise set up a government equivalent to that of a U.S. state.

Morales has called the referendum a move to split up this nation of 9.1 million and to thwart his government's efforts to rewrite Bolivia's constitution so that its indigenous majority wins more political power. Bolivia has a centralized government, where police, taxation and other government functions are controlled by federal officials.

"This referendum violates the current constitution, because there's no mechanism to convoke it," said Leonida Zurita , a close Morales ally and a substitute senator with the president's Movement to Socialism party. "They want to found a second Bolivian state, and we won't let the fatherland be divided."




Friday, April 25, 2008

Map Art
Here is a sample of some of the wonderful map art of Susan Stockwell:

Fleece England...



Rubber Africa...



Coffee Filter South America...



Tea bag China...


Thursday, March 6, 2008

Alien Slaves and Forum Non Conveniens
The Southern District of Florida last week rendered an interesting case involving alleged international trafficking of Cuban aliens to Curaçao where they were slave laborers. The case of Licea v. Curacao Drydock Co. focused on whether the case should be dismissed on the grounds of forum non conveniens.


Plaintiffs are three Cuban nationals who are now residents of Florida. The complaint alleges they suffered an arduous ordeal, as follows: The Defendant and the Cuban government trafficked the Plaintiffs from Cuba to Curaçao under threat of physical and psychological harm including the threat of imprisonment. Upon arrival in Curaçao, the Plaintiffs' passports were taken and they were held on the grounds of the Defendant, along with scores of their compatriots. The workers were only allowed to leave those grounds under the guard of Cuban government agents. They were forced to work in slave-like conditions for 112 hours per week performing drydock services on ships and oil platforms. The pay for their work, the complaint alleges, was paid to the Cuban government. (In discovery, Defendant admitted that it credited Cuba on a debt it was owed by Cuba in exchange for the labors of the Cuban workers). The complaint alleges a situation in which the government of Curaçao was likely complicit due to the circumstances in which the Plaintiffs were transported to Curaçao and held there. Further, the Plaintiffs were denied all protections of the laws of Curaçao for injuries they suffered there, and, when any of the workers were injured or complained, they were promptly deported to Cuba and treated as enemies of the state. If they escaped and were caught, they were likewise deported to Cuba and punished. Plaintiffs, however, successfully escaped the Defendant's drydock facility, and were hunted by Defendant and agents of the Defendant within Curaçao and by the agents of the Cuban government all the way to Colombia, where they were granted political asylum. The United States then granted Plaintiffs parole to enter the United States.

Plaintiffs' principal claims are that the Defendant and its government agents and co-conspirators violated the laws of nations by trafficking them from Cuba to Curaçao and by holding them and forcing them to work there. The main thrust of their action travels under the Alien Tort Statute…. In this case, Defendant has not met its burden to provide evidence that convinces the court that material injustice would result should this court exercise its jurisdiction in this matter. To the contrary, this Court determines that justice will best be served by its hearing this action in the Southern District of Florida….

Here … the only proposed alternative forum is one in which the Plaintiffs allege they only ever went to forcibly, and one in which they allege they never lived as free men. Courts have recognized that a forum where a plaintiff suffered trauma is inadequate. Here there is more than trauma. If the current facts did not make Curaçao inadequate, it certainly would be an undue prejudice or inconvenience to make these Plaintiffs go to the country they allege they were trafficked to, held in captivity, and face ongoing danger. A forum non conveniens dismissal in these circumstances would not pass the “ultimate inquiry” of serving not just the convenience of the parties, but also the “ends of justice”, and so is not warranted.

The private interest factors to be considered are the relative ease of access of proof, ability to obtain witnesses, and all other practical problems that make trial of a case easy, expeditious and inexpensive. In this matter, Defendant is in Curaçao. However, Plaintiffs are all in Florida. The alleged injuries to Plaintiffs for forced labor occurred in Curaçao. On the other hand, the trafficking took place internationally and in Cuba, as well as in Curaçao….

Local interest in the controversy requires more examination. As stated before, the government of Curaçao has a general interest in regulating its corporations and enforcing its labor laws. This interest augurs towards it as a forum. However, Curaçao's more particularized interest in this case, stemming from any allegations that it was complicit in, acquiesced in, or failed to stop the alleged abuses of such a serious and explosive nature, is not seen by this Court as a local interest factor that militates towards Curaçao.

Further, any interest that a forum in Curaçao may have is countered by the public interest factors this jurisdiction has in the matter. This case concerns alleged violations of international human rights norms of concern to all nations and that the Alien Tort Statute empowered this Court to address. It concerns an alleged act of international trafficking. It concerns the human rights of people who have been Cuban citizens, an issue of concern to many members of this community. It concerns the foreign policy interests of the United States as expressed in the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992, and the interests of Congress expressed in the RICO statute. All these public interest factors militate in favor of this Court's retention of this matter.

Monday, March 3, 2008

Colombia's Incursion into Ecuador and Anticipatory Self-Defense
At the heart of the Ecuadoran/ Colombian/ Venezuelan tensions, there is a dispute over the facts that has legal implications as to whether Colombia’s military action was self-defense or anticipatory self-defense (which, as many would see it, would make it aggression). As CNN explains:
[Ecuadoran President Rafael] Correa told reporters in Quito that [Colombia’s Presdient Alvaro] Uribe told him the raid occurred after a FARC column fled across the border [from Colombia and into Ecuador] and fired at Colombian forces, who "had to defend themselves."

But Correa said his forces investigated Uribe's claims and discovered that the Colombian planes attacked the guerrillas as they slept in a camp 2 km ( 1.2 mi) inside Ecuador.

"Of course Ecuadoran air space was invaded," he said…

"We will not permit this outrage," he said. "Either President Uribe was misinformed and will have to sanction his commanders who deceived him, breaking every international bilateral proceeding by entering our territory or Uribe simply lied. In either case, the situation is extremely grave and the Ecuadoran government is disposed to go to the ultimate consequences."
In Colombia’s version of the facts, they can claim “hot pursuit” and self-defense. But Ecuador’s version of the facts would make Colombia’s action unjustifiable under classic legal understandings of self-defense and under such facts Colombia would need to rely, as a legal matter, on the controversial post-9/11 attempts by the United States to refashion the law of use of force. As Jose Alvarez had written in his comment Hegemonic International Law Revisited (97 American Journal Int'l Law 873 (2003)):
the prospective endorsement of individual and collective self-defense by the [UN Security] Council, together with its later acquiescence in Operation Enduring Freedom, may signal, depending on how the Council's license comes to be interpreted by its licensee, the advent of three new general rules with respect to defensive force in the age of terrorism:

(1) Terrorist violence, at least when of the scale of the events of September 11, 2001, and even when undertaken by a nonstate actor, may constitute an “armed attack” for purposes of UN Charter Article 51.

(2) A state's assistance to, harboring of, or post hoc ratification of violent acts undertaken by individuals within its territory, or perhaps even mere negligence in controlling such individuals, may make that state responsible for those acts and justify military action against it. In other words, such state action (or inaction) may constitute a breach of the state's own duty not to violate UN Charter Article 2(4).

(3) The right to respond with military force against both terrorist individuals and harboring states does not become impermissible retaliation or illegal anticipatory self-defense, or exceed the rules of proportionality, merely because the threat of continued terrorist attack remains clandestine and unpredictable (as it has been since 9/11).
As this situation plays itself out, I wonder if the declarations and arguments by the political leaders of Colombia, Ecuador, and Venezuela, as well as those of other interested states, will provide a further gloss via state practice as to whether these new theories of self-defense have become more generally accepted. Will Colombia argue that, regardless as to which version of the facts you believe, they were within their rights to act?

In any case, as the troops of three countries head to their borders tonight, I hope that this situation will play itself out with nothing more than some heated rhetoric.

Related Posts (on one page):

  1. Colombia's Incursion into Ecuador and Anticipatory Self-Defense
  2. Venezuela Mobilizes Troops on Colombian Border

Sunday, March 2, 2008

Venezuela Mobilizes Troops on Colombian Border
This has the look of a very ugly situation developing down south.


President Hugo Chávez yesterday placed Venezuela on a war footing, sending thousands of troops and tanks to the border with Colombia after its neighbour killed a top rebel leader inside Ecuadorean territory.

“Mr. Defense Minister, move me 10 battalions to the border with Colombia immediately - tank battalions,” Mr Chávez boomed on his weekly television programme, Aló Presidente. He also placed the Venezuelan Air Force on standby for action.

“We do not want war”, said Mr Chávez, before adding that the slaying of rebel commander Raúl Reyes and Colombia’s incursion into Ecuadorean territory could not go unanswered. “I am putting Venezuela on alert and we will support Ecuador in any situation,” Mr Chávez said.



One hopes that Hugo Chavez is bluffing. But he's just crazy enough to start a war to protect his allies in Ecuador. Given the U.S. military relationship with Colombia, things could get out of hand real fast.

Related Posts (on one page):

  1. Colombia's Incursion into Ecuador and Anticipatory Self-Defense
  2. Venezuela Mobilizes Troops on Colombian Border
Cuba Signs ICCPR and ICESCR -- With Reservations
At IntLawGrrls, our colleague Naomi Norberg notes that Cuba has signed the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. Like Naomi, I believe that the decision is a step in the right direction. Nevertheless, I think that the International Herald Tribune article to which Naomi links is somewhat misleading, because it fails to note that Cuba intends to add reservations to the treaties during the ratification process, as this much better Reuters article makes clear:
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - Cuba signed two U.N. human rights pacts on Thursday that long-time president Fidel Castro, replaced by his brother just four days ago, had refused to endorse for more than three decades.

But the communist-run island's foreign minister said after signing the documents at U.N. headquarters in New York that Havana still shared the reservations expressed by Castro about the pacts and would formally record them in future.

[snip]

When Cuba announced it would sign the pacts, Raul Castro was already governing on behalf of his ailing brother, who was still nominally president.

Two days later, Fidel Castro reprinted objections he had made in 2001. He said the political rights pact could be used as an instrument against Cuba by "imperialism", while two articles in the economic, social and cultural accord were unacceptable.

The first, establishing the right of workers to have independent trade unions, was fit only for capitalist countries, he said, while the second, on education, would open the door to its privatization.

On Thursday, Perez Roque said the Cuban government "shares totally the point of view expressed by ... Fidel Castro", but that this did not contradict the decision to sign.

He said that on signing he had handed the United Nations a statement saying that on "the scope and application of several of the elements contained in these international instruments, Cuba will register those reservations or interpretative declarations it considers relevant."
We can only hope that the "reservations or interpretative declarations" don't undermine the importance of Cuba's decision to sign the two treaties.

Friday, February 15, 2008

The Coming Immigration Revolution
The Pew Research Center just published a fascinating new poll on the future of immigration in the United States. Here are a few of the key results:


If current trends continue, the population of the United States will rise to 438 million in 2050, from 296 million in 2005, and 82% of the increase will be due to immigrants arriving from 2005 to 2050 and their U.S.-born descendants, according to new projections developed by the Pew Research Center.

Of the 117 million people added to the population during this period due to the effect of new immigration, 67 million will be the immigrants themselves and 50 million will be their U.S.-born children or grandchildren.

Among the other key population projections:

Nearly one in five Americans (19%) will be an immigrant in 2050, compared with one in eight (12%) in 2005. By 2025, the immigrant, or foreign-born, share of the population will surpass the peak during the last great wave of immigration a century ago.

The major role of immigration in national growth builds on the pattern of recent decades, during which immigrants and their U.S.-born children and grandchildren accounted for most population increase. Immigration’s importance increased as the average number of births to U.S.-born women dropped sharply before leveling off.

The Latino population, already the nation’s largest minority group, will triple in size and will account for most of the nation’s population growth from 2005 through 2050. Hispanics will make up 29% of the U.S. population in 2050, compared with 14% in 2005.

Births in the United States will play a growing role in Hispanic and Asian population growth; as a result, a smaller proportion of both groups will be foreign-born in 2050 than is the case now.

The non-Hispanic white population will increase more slowly than other racial and ethnic groups; whites will become a minority (47%) by 2050.

The nation’s elderly population will more than double in size from 2005 through 2050, as the baby boom generation enters the traditional retirement years. The number of working-age Americans and children will grow more slowly than the elderly population, and will shrink as a share of the total population.

Saturday, January 12, 2008

The Spiritual Capital of Successful Countries
Paul Marshall has an interesting op-ed in the Washington Post on the spiritual capital of successful countries. I know Marshall well and his analysis seems exactly right to me.

In the piece he discusses a fascinating World Values Survey, which includes a cultural map of the world, pictured at left (click to enlarge). That map divides the world according to two major dimensions: the Traditional/Secular-rational dimension and the Survival/Self-Expression dimension.

Although Marshall doesn't mention international law, I think it follows from his discussion that scholars should be much more open to the study of the impact of religion on international law and international relations. Here is an excerpt:


Religion does not exist in isolation. It concerns and shapes our fundamental view of the nature of human life and how it is and should be lived. This realization has come home in politics, especially international politics. Obviously, when we are under attack by people whose ideology we cannot understand unless we delve into the history of Islamic law and theology, we must learn to take their religious doctrines seriously.

The future is likely to bring many more debates on how religion shapes not only politics but economics.... Robert Barro and Rachel McCleary of Harvard University have used the results of World Values Surveys to study the relation between religion and economic attitudes. They found that many religious beliefs concerning cooperation, government, working women, legal rules, thriftiness and the market economy are conducive to higher per-capita income and growth. Religion appears to have an effect on economic growth and development by fostering thrift, a work ethic, honesty and openness to strangers. This has lead to the notion of "spiritual capital," analogous to human capital, which focuses on knowledge and behavior stemming from transcendent concepts and ultimate concerns.

Their model stresses the importance of freedom, not only in economics per se, but in religion itself. Religion most often has positive effects when it is free. This model is reinforced by the results of our recently concluded survey of international religious freedom. The countries with the worst religious freedom records, including Burma, Eritrea, Iran, Iraq, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, have, unless they have oil, terrible economic records. Similar relations hold for those in the middle and for those with high levels of freedom: The highest 30 countries in rankings of economic freedom all scored highly on religious freedom.

Barro and McCleary's work suggests that this is more than a mere correlation: There is good reason to think that religious freedom leads to good economic outcomes. The current evidence indicates that closed religious systems hamper economic development. Hence, if we want economic growth and development, we need to permit religious groups and people to follow their beliefs. In this case, economists should join political scientists in examining religion more seriously.

Whether we like it or not, religion is likely to remain central to politics, and even economics. This means that in the future, politicians, Democrats as well as Republicans, are likely to expand their talk of religion on the campaign trail. We should not dismiss this as if religion were a mere irrational prejudice or interest-group totem. We should instead demand that politicians address these fundamental issues in a serious, coherent and empirically grounded way. If they do not do so, they (and we) will misunderstand our all-too-religious world.

Tuesday, January 8, 2008

Panamanian Officials Who Helped Free Posada To Be Prosecuted
Luis Posada Carriles might have escaped justice for his many acts of terrorism, but three Panamanian officials who helped free him from jail in Panama might not be so lucky:
Three collaborators of former Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso will be tried on January 14 for violations in the release of Cuban-born terrorist Luis Posada Carriles, judicial sources informed on Monday.

Former Minister of Government and Justice Arnulfo Escalona, former National Police Director Carlos Bares and former Deputy Director for Migratory Affairs Javier Tapia are accused of abuse of authority and overstepping their limits of power, for which they could receive a minimum sentence but would be prevented from holding public posts, lawyer Javier Viques told Prensa Latina.

The attorney, who represented student and worker movements in previous phases of the trial against Posada Carriles, explained that this time the accused will be tried by the Attorney General's Office.
If only the Bush administration officials who ensured that Posada would not be extradited to Venezuela or imprisoned in the U.S. could suffer the same fate...

Thursday, December 20, 2007

Fujimori's Month to Forget...
It's been a tough December for Alberto Fujimori, the former President of Peru. Two weeks ago, a Peruvian court sentenced him to six years in prison for ordering an illegal warrantless search of an apartment owned by the wife of his murderous intelligence chief, Vladimiro Montesinos — the first time a former Peruvian head of state has been convicted of crimes committed while in office. And he is currently being prosecuted for murder and kidnapping, charges that could carry a 30-year prison sentence:
Fujimori is accused in the killings of 15 women, men and children in Barrios Altos, Lima, in 1991 and the torture, disappearance and murder of nine students and one teacher from La Cantuta University in 1992. These crimes were attributed to the "Colina" Group, a death squad set up in 1991 within the Army Intelligence Services. The establishment of this group is believed to have been part of a counter-insurgency strategy allegedly implemented by Fujimori. Fujimori is also accused of having ordered the kidnapping and torture of critics of his government at the headquarters of the Military Intelligence Service where he lived during 1992.
According to news reports, the trial isn't going well for Fujimori. First, he launched into an lengthy tirade the opening day of trial, shouting down the judge and angrily proclaiming his innocence. And then, while being cross-examined, he conveniently developed memory problems:
When questioned about specific human rights violations, Fujimori frequently responded that he could not remember.

"Do you have memory problems?" a frustrated Gamarra asked. "You've always had a good memory. Do you have memory problems now?"

Gamarra then quoted from a book by one of Fujimori's former Cabinet ministers in which he commented on Fujimori's impressive memory for details going back decades.

In response, Fujimori acknowledged that in the past he had a good memory but said that with the passage of time he's forgetting some things.

"Don't forget I'm 69 years old," he said.
Even worse for Fujimori, the invaluable National Security Archive recently released a secret Defense Intelligence Agency cable indicating that, in 1997, he personally ordered Peruvian military commandos to "take no prisoners" during an assault on Tupac Amaru guerrillas that had seized the residence of the Japanese Ambassador — an order that led to the execution of three guerrillas who had surrendered and were unarmed. The cable is not related to the current charges against Fujimori, but it certainly complicates his attempt to distance himself from atrocities committed by his subordinates during his presidency.

And that is not all. Just to add insult to injury, a ringtone of Fujimori's angry in-court tirade — entitled Soy Inocente — has become a monster hit in Peru and throughout South America...

Sunday, December 16, 2007

A Bolivian Secession?
With all this talk of Kosovo (and Transnistria), I would be remiss not to note the following. According to CNN:
Tensions were rising in Bolivia on Saturday as members of the country's four highest natural gas-producing regions declared autonomy from the central government.

Thousands waved the Santa Cruz region's green-and-white flags in the streets as council members of the Santa Cruz, Tarija, Beni and Pando districts made the public announcement.

The officials displayed a green-bound document containing a set of statutes paving the way to a permanent separation from the Bolivian government.

Council representatives vowed to legitimize the so-called autonomy statutes through a referendum that would legally separate the natural-gas rich districts from President Evo Morales' government.

The move also aims to separate the states from Bolivia's new constitution, which calls for, among other things, a heavier taxation on the four regions to help finance more social programs.
Morales argues that what is going on here is that the economic elites are trying to frustrate the new redistributive constitution.

How does this implicate international law, if at all? Grabs at autonomy or attempted secession are, first and foremost, issues that come under domestic law. They are domestic political problems. They become internationalized if there is some new question of international legality, such as a new entitiy seeking recognition as a sovereign state (in which case there are rules for recognition or non-recognition), the establishment of an armed insurgency (in which case there are the laws of armed conflict), a threat to international peace and security, etc. And of course there exists, regardless as to the existence of any secessionist movement, the application of international law as regards to the monitoring and enforcement of human rights norms.

Short of that, though, the disposition of this specific issue is an internal Bolivian question. For one thing, it is unclear whether these regions are really seeking to form a new state or simply immunize themselves from Morales' tax policies (through "autonomy") but remain within the Bolivian state. Contrast this with Kosovo, which was internationalized due to a humanitarian crisis (and a controversial NATO intervention and subsequent international occupation) or with the situation in Moldova, where Transnistria is seeking state recognition (thus bringing international law into play) and the Russians have refused to remove their troops from Moldovan soil (implicating the now-denounced Conventional Forces Europe treaty as well as various norms of international law).

This leads me to think that the situation in Bolivia as described by the CNN report is, for the time being at least, basically a domestic matter that has not transformed into an issue of international law. As the International Commission of Jurists recognized in the Aaland Islands Case, international law does not always have a role to play in such national questions (although in that case, they found, it did).

Stay tuned.

Friday, December 14, 2007

The Mitchell Report and the “Illegal” Use of Performance Enhancing Substances
I read with interest the Mitchell Report on the illegal use of steroids and other performance enhancing substances. The section that particularly grabbed my attention was the governing law (pp. 18-24). Of central importance to the report is how one defines the "illegal" use of steroids and other performance enhancing substances. Here are a few key sections from the summary and the report (pp. SR10, 19):

Anabolic steroids are listed as controlled substances under the federal Controlled Substances Act. Since 2004, the dietary supplement androstenedione and other steroid precursors have been as well. That means that it is illegal to use or possess steroids or steroid precursors without a valid physician’s prescription. Violations of this law carry penalties similar to those applicable to the illegal use or possession of narcotics. Human growth hormone is a prescription medication. It is illegal to issue a prescription for human growth hormone except for very limited purposes. Human growth hormone never has been approved for cosmetic or anti-aging uses, or to improve athletic performance. Issuing a prescription for human growth hormone for any of these unauthorized purposes is a violation of federal law….

There is a widespread misconception that the use of steroids and other performance enhancing substances, such as human growth hormone, was not prohibited in Major League Baseball before the inclusion of the joint drug program in the 2002 Basic Agreement. In fact, as early as 1991 baseball’s drug policy expressly prohibited the use of “all illegal drugs and controlled substances, including steroids or prescription drugs for which the individual … does not have a prescription.” Even before then, however, the use of any prescription drug without a valid prescription was prohibited in baseball, and even earlier under federal law. In 1971, baseball’s drug policy required compliance with federal, state, and local drug laws and directed baseball’s athletic trainers that anabolic steroids should only be provided to players under a physician’s guidance.

Problem is, under traditional rules of extraterritoriality, the federal regulation of the use of performance enhancing substances does not obviously apply when such use occurs in other countries. And various sections of the Mitchell Report detail allegations of “illegal” use in Canada, Venezuela, and the Dominican Republic. (See pp. 33, 46-47, 95-99, 104-05, 204, 278-79).

I am not suggesting that the use of those substances is permitted in any of those countries. But from my reading of the Mitchell Report, it appears that the report omits materially relevant information about the governing law regarding the use of those substances outside the United States. There is almost no mention of Canadian law, and there is no mention whatsoever of Venezuelan law, Dominican Republic law, or for that matter, the 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances. Nor is there any explicit reference to the extraterritorial application of federal law to regulate the use of these substances abroad.

The syllogism drawn from the Mitchell Report appears to be that (1) Major League Baseball’s drug policy prohibits the use of “illegal” substances, (2) “illegal” substances are defined by reference to federal law, and (3) therefore, the use by any player of performance enhancing substances anywhere in the world violates Major League Baseball’s drug policy.

I’m not clear that that conclusion follows, although I am willing to be persuaded.

Thursday, November 15, 2007

¿Por Qué No Te Callas?
Great story about the King of Spain Juan Carlos telling Hugo Chavez, "Why don't you shut up?" I wouldn't normally sympathize with such diplomatic indiscretions, but given Chavez's history and personality I'll make an exception.

Details about the story are here and a good description of the context of the exchange is available here. Variations are now circulating throughout the blogosphere and YouTube. Here is my favorite version, set to music:



Wednesday, November 14, 2007

United Kingdom, Ltd.
Which nation has the top brand name? It seems strange to think of the branding of nations, but upon reflection we do it all the time. When we think of a country like Australia, Iran, Switzerland or Sudan we associate certain positive or negative qualities to each nation.

A recent study reveals that the nations with the top brand names are the following (with apologies to Kevin): (1) United Kingdom; (2) Germany; (3) France; (4) Canada; (5) Switzerland; (6) Sweden; (7) Italy; (8) Australia; (9) Japan; and (10) the United States.

You can download the full report here. The report argues "globalization means that countries compete with each other for the attention, respect and trust of potential cunsumers, investors, tourists, immigrants, the media and governments of other nations." The brand of a country depends on tourism, exports, governance, investment and immigration, culture and heritage, people, and tourism. The rankings don't surprise me at all, although I would not rank them in exactly that order.

Incidentally, the same is true of cities. Cities have brand names too, although the top ranked city in the world will probably surprise you. (The answer is below). According to the report, the United States is unusually blessed with cities that have great brand names. Based on a ranking of sixty cities globally, we have four global "megabrand" cities: New York, Washington D.C., Los Angeles, and San Francisco. We also have five second-tier cities: Boston, Las Vegas, Seattle, Chicago, and Atlanta. (The third-tier cities in the rankings were Philadelphia, Dallas, and New Orleans).

For example, my city of Los Angeles (they don't rank Malibu) does extremely well in numerous categories. It has a "sun and city" ranking of four, a business ranking of four, a social integration (would I fit in?) ranking of five, a "pulse" (is the city exciting?) ranking of nine, and an overall ranking of fifteen.

Finally, the same organization has a state branding index. Can you guess the top five brand names for U.S. states? (Hint: New Jersey doesn't make the cut).


Friday, November 9, 2007

Religious Freedom By Religious Background
Yesterday I attended a wonderful conference on religious asylum. I was particularly impressed by the work of one of the speakers, Paul Marshall. He offered a tremendously impressive survey of religious oppression throughout the world.

The bottom line is religious freedom is strongest in countries with majority Christian, Jewish, and Buddhist populations and the weakest in countries with majority Muslim and Hindu populations. See Figure 1.2 in this monograph. Here is how Paul Marshall puts it in this article:


There is similar variation in the religious background of countries with high levels of religious freedom. This is obviously a complex matter, since current regimes may reflect comparatively little of a country’s religious background. China, Tibet, and Vietnam all have a largely Buddhist background, but current religious repression comes at the hand of communist party regimes whose members profess to be atheistic materialists. Turkey has a Muslim background, but its constitutional order is highly secularist, while Muslim-background Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan suffer under repression by Soviet political holdovers (on religious freedom in secular settings, see my essay “Secular and Religious, Church and State”). Nevertheless, since the survey usually covers several countries of each religious background, the overall patterns can be revealing.

Historically, Christian countries tend to have the best scores in religious freedom, as they do in political rights and civil liberties. Of the forty-one countries surveyed that can be rated as religiously “free” (i.e., scoring three or above), thirty-five are traditionally Christian. Conversely, only two of the forty-two traditionally Christian countries surveyed (Belarus and Cuba) are “not free” (i.e., scoring six or seven). It should also be noted that these scores reflect not only religious background but also levels of wealth and economic development.

The other religiously “free” countries are Israel and three countries of largely Buddhist background—Japan, Mongolia, and Thailand. The Buddhist countries with poor scores largely reflect the presence of communist regimes in China, Tibet, Laos, North Korea, and Vietnam. If these are excluded, the remaining countries, except Burma, score relatively well. There are few Hindu-majority countries in the world and, of those surveyed, Nepal scores poorly on political rights and civil liberties generally, as well as on religious freedom. India is unusual in that its score for religious freedom, five, is markedly lower than its otherwise good record on democracy and on civil liberties generally. This difference reflects the upsurge within recent years of a militant Hinduism in India, coupled with attacks including large-scale massacres against religious minorities, especially Muslims and Christians, the growth of anti-conversion laws, and an increase in religiously based terrorism tied to Kashmir, which has in turn provoked repressive state measures.

The Muslim majority countries comprise the religious areas with the largest current restrictions on religious freedom. This pattern parallels problems with democracy, civil liberties, and economic freedom, but the negative trend with respect to religious freedom is even stronger. Of the twenty “unfree” countries and territories surveyed, twelve are Muslim majority. Of the seven countries receiving the lowest possible score, four are Muslim majority. This is a phenomenon that goes beyond the Arab world or the Middle East. In measures of, for example, electoral democracy, the Muslim world outside of the greater Middle East scores better than the Middle Eastern countries, and over half of the world’s Muslims live in electoral democracies: the problems with democracy are concentrated in the Middle East. However, in terms of religious freedom, the large Muslim democracies of Indonesia and Bangladesh score a five and a six respectively. In these cases, the problems of religious freedom are due not to government repression but to widespread societal religious violence, including religiously based terrorism, aimed at minorities and at undercutting the government. It should also be added that there are religiously free Muslim majority countries, including some of the poorest, Mali and Senegal, which are religiously freer than many European countries.

Tuesday, November 6, 2007

Global Contentment on the Rise
The Pew Research Center has just published a wonderful survey on rising contentment in the developing world. According to the survey those surveyed in Asia, Africa, and Latin America are more satisfied with the state of the nation than those surveyed in Europe and the United States. "Throughout much of the world, rising incomes are improving national conditions and increasing life satisfaction. While people in rich countries generally remain happier with their lives, the rest of the world is catching up, and looking into the future, people from poor and middle income countries are the most likely to think their quality of life will improve in the coming years. Citizens from these countries are also the most likely to favor the key tenets of economic globalization, welcoming both international trade and multinational corporations." Just take a look at this table:



In addition, the survey also reveals that people in the developing world are the most enthusiastic about globalization and international trade. "[N]o one is more enthusiastic about economic globalization than the citizens of lower income countries. Growth in these countries is generally more modest than in middle income nations, and they have not experienced the same large increases in personal well-being. But, while they have not yet fully benefited from participation in a global economy, they welcome global commerce and investment – trade and foreign companies receive their highest marks in some of the poorest countries in Africa and Asia. Throughout the world, people have worries about globalization – its effects on tradition and national culture, its impact on the environment, its potential for adding to the gap between rich and poor – but low income publics clearly embrace its key economic features, despite the downsides." This graph is particularly revealing on that score, with the United States among the most pessimistic about trade, and countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East among the most optimistic (click to enlarge):


Wednesday, October 24, 2007

Who Do You Love?
The European Council on Foreign Relations has just published a fascinating world survey and global "love/hate map." The "love map" and the "hate map" are especially fascinating because they identify which countries receive the highest approval and disapproval ratings in 52 countries. The survey results revealed the following:


The largest survey of public opinion in the world shows support for a more multipolar world and a greater role for ... countries not widely perceived as military superpowers. There is mistrust of the Cold War powers as well as Islamist-inspired Iranian autocracy. More people want to see a decline rather than increase in the power of Russia (29% decline, 23% increase), of China (32% decline, 24% increase), of the United States (37% decline, 26% increase), and of Iran (39% decline, 14% increase). On the other hand, there is strong support for an increase in the power of fast-developing powers such as South Africa, India, and Brazil.

The European Union is the most popular great power. Uniquely among great powers, more people across all continents want to see its power increase than decrease. This demand for more European power extends to many former European colonies. Whilst American soft power has declined, the rise of China has led to the resurgence in support for American power in Asia. Increasing Russian influence in Eastern Europe is paralleled by a demand for a greater American role.

Most important, it appears the respondents have little enthusiasm for a unipolar world, and want the "soft countries" such as the EU, South Africa, and Brazil to increase their global influence, while the "hard power" nations such as the United States, China, Russia, and Iran to decrease in influence.

But my favorite part of the analysis is that from a public opinion perspective the EU's weakness is its strength: "The paradox of the EU's power is that its strength may be rooted to some extent in the perception of its weakness. The fact that nobody is interested in balancing the EU may stem--at least in part--from a perception that the EU is unlikely to get its act together. Moreover, the decline of the EU's soft power in the ex-USSR, Turkey and the Balkans shows that 'softness' in the long run may generate sympathy, but not necessarily respect."

Thursday, August 23, 2007

More on the Drug Kingpin Who Wants to Be Extradited to the U.S.
Further to my earlier post -- and Jacob Katz Cogan's lengthy elaboration on it -- Colombia announced today that it would not compete for custody of Juan Carlos Ramirez Abadia if the U.S. seeks his extradition. Whether the U.S. will do so remains to be seen.

Saturday, August 18, 2007

Extradite Me -- Please! (Updated)
Here's a story you don't see everyday — a Colombian drug kingpin who wants to be extradited to the U.S.:
The lawyer of a reputed leader of Colombia's biggest drug cartel said Tuesday he will travel to Washington to discuss ways to speed up his client's extradition to the United States.

Juan Carlos Ramirez Abadia, 44, who faces three U.S. federal indictments on drug and racketeering charges, was arrested last week in a luxury condominium on the outskirts of Sao Paulo, South America's largest city.

Authorities say Ramirez Abadia is a leader of the Norte del Valle cartel, which emerged as Colombia's most powerful drug gang in the mid-1990s. In 1996 he was sentenced to 13 years in prison in Colombia on a drug conviction, but was released in 2001. He was allegedly in Brazil to command the cartel's money laundering operation there.

Sergio Alambert, Ramirez Abadia's attorney, said he would meet with a Justice Department official on Monday to seek ways to speed up his client's extradition to the United States.

Ramirez Abadia fears for his life in Colombia and would prefer to begin serving his U.S. prison sentence without being sentenced to additional time in Brazil, Alambert said Tuesday.

Brazilian law, however, bans turning over foreign suspects if they face the death penalty or a sentence of more than 30 years.

[snip]

U.S. officials say they will soon file a request to extradite Ramirez Abadia to face racketeering charges under a 2004 indictment. Colombian authorities have hinted they may also seek custody.
It will be interesting to see whether the U.S. will promise Brazil not to seek a sentence of more than 30 years. There is precedent for doing so: just last week, the Brazilian Supreme Court decided that Brazil could extradite another Colombian drug lord, Fernando Camacho Martinez, if the U.S. made a "formal guarantee" that it would seek a sentence that satisfies Brazilian law, something the U.S. seems inclined to do. Making a similar promise regarding Ramirez Abadia would be quite a gift to the Colombian: a few days after Ramirez Abadia announced his desire to be extradited to the U.S., federal prosecutors in New York indicted him for the murder of a member of the Russian Mafia.

UPDATE: At the invaluable International Law Reporter, Jacob Katz Cogan has a fascinating post on the numerous — and complicated! — issues surrounding Ramirez Abadia's desire to be extradited to the U.S. It's a must-read for anyone interested in extradition.