Opinio Juris

A weblog dedicated to reports, commentary, and debate on current developments and scholarship
in the fields of international law and politics

Friday, April 25, 2008

Medellin Applied: VCCR Does Not Create a Private Right of Action
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit has taken the first crack at applying the Supreme Court's recent decision in Medellin with respect to self-executing treaties. In Mora v. People of New York, the Second Circuit rejected a foreign national's effort to win damages for violations of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. Interestingly, the Second Circuit, buttressed by Medellin's analysis of self-execution, held that a clear statement is required before a treaty will be read to create an individual private right. No such clear statement can be found in the VCCR under Article 36 and therefore no damages action under Section 1983 or the Alien Tort Statute can be sustained.

This seems like the right result. It is narrower and more defensible than Medellin because it limits the clear statement rule to the creation of private rights of action rather than self-execution in general. Still, a tricky issue and a worthy effort at resolving it from the Second Circuit.
Map Art
Here is a sample of some of the wonderful map art of Susan Stockwell:

Fleece England...



Rubber Africa...



Coffee Filter South America...



Tea bag China...


Thursday, April 24, 2008

Why Training Journalists in International Law is a Good Thing
The American Society of International Law has recently begun partnering with journalism schools in an effort to introduce international law to future reporters and editorial boards. And, publications like ASIL Insightsand IL.Post are circulated broadly among media outlets, and ASIL makes the expertise of its membership available when issues or cases arise in which explanations of the law can be helpful. But, as Jose Alvarez noted in this interview with the State Department Information Service, we still have a way to go. This recent editorial about Medellin v. Texas in the Augusta Chronicle is a case in point. How many errors can you spot in this piece?

The Right Ruling
Supreme Court Renders Sound Judgment in Standing up for Sovereignty
Augusta Chronicle Editorial Staff
Friday, April 18, 2008

Americans have had their quarrels with many past U.S. Supreme Court rulings, but the Supremes certainly got it right in Medellin v. the State of Texas. Despite opposition from the Bush administration, and many in Congress, the justices affirmed U.S. sovereignty over the World Court.

The case involved Jose Medellin, a Mexican native who along with five other gang members was convicted in a Houston, Texas, court 15 years ago of the brutal rape and murder of two teenage girls. Medellin's death sentence was upheld by the Texas Supreme Court, but in 2003 the Mexican government got involved, taking the case to the International Court of Justice, recently renamed the World Court.

Mexico charged that Medellin's rights were violated because at no point during his arrest and trial was he informed that under the Vienna Convention - an international treaty signed by the United States in 1963 - he could get legal assistance from the Mexican consulate.

The international court ruled that the United States violated the terms of the treaty, and ordered U.S. courts to review and reconsider not only Medellin's conviction, but also that of 50 other Mexican-born convicts on death row throughout the nation. President Bush agreed, and told state courts to comply with the international court's edict - in effect, subordinating U.S. law to a foreign jurisdiction.

Texas wasted no time in appealing to the U.S. Supreme Court, which recently ruled in Texas' favor. Writing for the justices' 6-3 majority, Chief Justice John Roberts wrote that U.S. courts are not always obligated to enforce international law - that "the judgments of an international tribunal" do not have "a higher status than that enjoyed by many of our most fundamental constitutional protections."

Texas Solicitor General Ted Cruz put the ruling in proper perspective: "The United States Constitution vests sovereignty in the Congress, the U.S. Supreme Court, the president, the 50 states and, ultimately, in we the people. Had Medellin prevailed, American sovereignty and independence would have been gravely undermined."

Indeed, it would have been - and shame on the three dissenting justices and President Bush for not understanding that.


To be sure, some of the mistakes could have been avoided with basic fact checking. But I have to believe that more knowledge of the field would be a good thing.
Paris Grants the Dalai Lama Honorary Citizenship and the Sparks Fly
Story here and here. On the one hand, it nicely demonstrates of the dangers of local foreign policy. Local pols decide to do some showboating, out of their depth and unlikely to shoulder the consequnces, and next thing you know, you're looking at World War III.

On the other hand, this may just be a hangover from the old world. It's only honorary citizenship, after all — what's the big deal? And it's local citizenship, not national. The French government has carefully distanced itself from the Paris' action. Why should China hold France responsible? It's surely sophisticated enough to understand domestic democratic politics to see that this is hardly a statement of national foreign policy. If China has a problem with the city council policy, why not take it up directly with the mayor?

In most contexts, dealing with more up-to-date governments than China, there's no problem with this kind of activity. European cities have extended honorary citizenship to death-row inmates in the United States, including Mumia Abu-Jamal and Joseph O'Dell, and it hasn't exactly brought down U.S.-European relations or sparked rioting in front of Sofitels. Democracies can take this kind of disaggregated interaction. Perhaps others can't, at least not yet.

Wednesday, April 23, 2008

Sovereign Accountability for Human Rights Abuses
One of the unintended consequences of the movement to hold corporations liable for aiding and abetting human rights abuses is that doing so may prove to be the most effective way of holding sovereigns accountable. That is the surprising conclusion of my latest article just published in the Notre Dame Law Review. Here is an excerpt:


One has a nagging suspicion that human rights litigation against corporations is a proxy fight in which the accomplice is pursued while the principal evades punishment. Indeed, if a corporation is accused of "aiding and abetting" human rights abuses, this is all but a concession that the corporate actor is not the principal wrongdoer. It is of course possible that this controversial trend toward corporate responsibility may reflect a genuine concern about corporate abuse of power. But more likely it reflects an abiding frustration that the primary perpetrators-sovereigns-are beyond the reach of most victims. If victims cannot pursue claims against the principal, they will resign themselves to pursue claims against those who aid and abet.

How have we come to this state of affairs, in which the corporation is pursued while the sovereign evades punishment? Why should the corporate accomplice alone be found liable if the sovereign is the primary malfeasor? For the first time in scholarly literature, this Article suggests an alternative approach, a solution to this conundrum. It suggests that corporations have existing tools to remedy the situation, drawing on principles derived from human rights, contract law, and arbitration. The essential idea is that if a corporation is found liable for aiding and abetting human rights abuse, it may invoke contractual provisions in the agreement with the sovereign to arbitrate the question of shared responsibility. While the victims may not pursue the sovereign, there is no impediment for a corporation that is found liable to pursue the sovereign in arbitration to secure its share of liability, either in the form of contribution or indemnification. In short, human rights litigation against the corporation could lead to "who pays" arbitration against the sovereign….

The purpose of this Article is not to affirm or disaffirm this trend of holding corporations liable under international law. Rather its purpose is to recognize an observable trend in human rights litigation patterns and consider its ramifications. If corporations increasingly are subject to international responsibility, then this portends new avenues for holding sovereigns responsible for their share of the liability….

Human rights litigation followed by "who pays" arbitration is a two-step process that overcomes the traditional immunity that sovereigns enjoy in human rights litigation. Thus far, human rights litigants have attempted to scale an impregnable wall of sovereign immunity by relying on awkward FSIA tools such as commercial activity or implied waivers. But corporations have no such difficulties. They can invoke provisions in their contracts that were specifically drafted to fulfill the relatively straightforward FSIA exceptions of express waiver and arbitration. Corporations typically cannot implead and crossclaim against the sovereign in the underlying litigation. But they can do the next best thing by arbitrating the question of who pays for the human rights abuses. Effectively, the arbitration procedure operates as a second-tier cross-claim by one malfeasor against the other.

What is particularly important about this paradigm shift is that heretofore human rights abuse has been a relatively cost-free enterprise for perpetrators, particularly sovereigns…. But with corporate liability that equation changes dramatically. To use Guido Calabresi's scheme of cost avoidance, monetary incentives are placed on corporations to change their conduct so as to reduce the number and severity of human rights violations…. And by imposing a cost on corporations that aid and abet sovereign abuse, those corporations will become cost avoiders…. Holding corporations liable and then arbitrating who pays is a mechanism of imposing costs and then spreading the costs, resulting in the corporation and the sovereign becoming cost avoiders. By imposing and spreading costs to the secondary and primary perpetrators, greater fairness between the malfeasors is achieved and deterrence from human rights abuse is enhanced. Contractual arbitration between the corporation and the sovereign over who pays transfers costs imposed on the corporation and creates shared incentives to implement and enforce human rights obligations.

Tuesday, April 22, 2008

British Paper Endorses Obama
That would be the Financial Times, under the fairly emphatic headline "Democrats Must Choose Obama." As far as I can tell, it's the only foreign newspaper to make an endorsement. (Some might consider it not really all that foreign, given its large daily US circulation — so it's not like Le Monde putting down a marker — but the FT's editorial board does sit in London.) Obama apparently also has some endorsements from foreign government officials. (None are known to be supporting Hillary.)

This would have been something to run away from not so long ago — a foreign endorsement would have been a liability, and perceived as meddling. Today, it's just the leading edge of a world wanting to vote.
So You Want to Become an American?
One of my students recently took the naturalization test and was kind enough to share with me the “Quick Civic Lessons” that the government hands out to help prepare for the test. Most questions are terribly easy, but I would suspect a few are hard for the average would-be American:

15. Who Elects the President of the United States?

19. How many changes, or amendments, are there to the Constitution?

28. How many voting members are in the House of Representatives?

38. Who Becomes President if both the President and Vice President die?

67. What was the 50th state to be added to our Union?

72. Name the amendments that guarantee or address voting rights?

75. Whose rights are guaranteed by the Constitution and the Bill of Rights?

88. What U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services form is used to apply for naturalized citizenship?

89. What kind of government does the United States have?

90. Name one of the purposes of the United Nations?

93. What is the most important right granted to United States citizens?


The official answers, with explanations, are below (bonus points if you can spot the wrong answer):


Have Laptop, Will Defend
The very first post I wrote for Opinio Juris -- more than two years ago, when I was guest-blogging -- was about the inequality of arms that exists between the prosecution and defense at the international tribunals. I recall spending hours on the post, mustering facts, honing my arguments, polishing my prose. I was proud of my first contribution -- yet its rhetorical power pales in comparison to the following e-mail, received yesterday by one of my students who is interning soon with a defense team at the ICTR:
From: XXXX
To: XXXX
Sent: Sunday, 20 April, 2008 11:37:14 PM
Subject: Useful Information in preparation for your internship at the Tribunal

Dear All,

Congratulations once again on having been accepted to the ICTR Internship Programme!

In preparation for your stay in Arusha and for your assignment at the ICTR, please find attached some useful information that may come in handy. Please note especially the following:

1. Once your flight to Arusha is confirmed, please send me your flight details so that I can make arrangements for your pick up from the airport Kilimanjaro International Airport). If you land in Nairobi (Kenya) or in Dar-es-Salaam (Tz) you may take a connecting flight to KIA (about an hour long) or you may take a bus/shuttle. The trip is about 9 hours long from Dar and 5 hours from Nairobi.

2. You will also find attached some accommodation options. You may try to contact the landlords right away, however, I would advise that you first see the places before you finalize your contracts. Please note that there's a lot more accommodation available than that listed. Some staff members may also be willing to let some rooms in their houses.

3. Remember, you are not obliged to bring a laptop except if you work for the Defence. The Office should be able to provide you a computer to work on.

Should you have any questions concerning your internship, do not hesitate to contact me.

I look forward to meeting all of you soon.

Warm regards,

XXX
I rest my case.
Incitement to Genocide and the Responsibility to Protect
[Professor Elihu Richter teaches at Hebrew University-Hadassah School of Medicine and Public Health and heads the Program on Genocide Prevention. This post follows up on last week's discussion of Susan Benesch's VJIL article.]

I congratulate the Virginia Journal of International Law for hosting this web-based discussion with Susan Benesch and Greg Gordon (among others) on the legal aspects of incitement and genocide. The core principles are that the right to life trumps all other human rights, and that we have a Responsibility to Protect (R2P- Security Council Resolution 1674). Both have written path-breaking treatises of the highest public importance. Here are my brief comments:

Precautionary Principle and the Ethical Import of Delay. I myself am a medical epidemiologist with a special interest in applying the "Precautionary Principle" to make genocide prevention effective. I would like to see an international network for surveillance of hate language and prosecution of incitement to commit genocide. There is an abundant body of knowledge showing that state sponsored hate language and incitement predicts, initiates, triggers and promotes genocide, The Precautionary Principle states that when there is uncertainty concerning the possibility of the occurrence of a major catastrophic event, the costs of inaction far outweigh those of anticipatory preventive action. The Precautionary Principle shifts the burden of proof from those suspecting a catastrophic risk to those denying it. The Precautionary Principle, which has already been applied by the European Court of Justice to uphold the ban on the UK's beef exports, states that when there is doubt about a risk, there should be no doubt about the need for its prevention. This principle is now part of many international conventions guiding Environmental Law, especially in the European Union, and has been endorsed by the International Association for Genocide Scholars. Prevention of genocide based on the Precautionary Principle needs to build upon the 2002 Statute of the International Criminal Court, the 2004 Declaration of the Stockholm International Forum on the Prevention of Genocide, UN Security Council Resolution 1674, and the 2005 World Summit Outcome which declared he "responsibility to protect" targeted groups.

In genocide prevention, as in environmental health and disaster prevention, the case for action in applying the Precautionary Principle, as the discussants have all noted, is the catastrophic ethical cost of delaying prevention - which, as in natural disasters, can be measured in massive loss of human lives. There is an ethical import to delay in preventing genocide and genocidal terror-which is merely genocide being carried out by an NGO. The foregoing means there is an ethical imperative to deter, prevent or stop state sponsored hate language and incitement. In short, a false positive -e.g. wrongly silencing an inciter,--is much less of a problem than a false negative, e.g. letting an inciter commit his vile crime--which would be catastrophic.

Professor Gregory Stanton of Mary Washington University and GenocideWatch and Dr Rony Blum of Hebrew University and Yale University and I have advocated shifting the focus of genocide law and preventive activity from proof of intent after the event to prediction and prevention. (Memorandum submitted to Council of Foreign Relations, April 2006, via Paul Fold of US Senate Foreign Relations Committee). As is known to everyone in this discussion, The Rome Statute of the ICC, which specifies that incitement to commit genocide is a crime against humanity, is the already available platform for making this advance.

The proposal to indict the President of Iran for incitement to commit genocide is the template case study for applying the Precautionary Principle based on "predict and prevent" as opposed to "proof of intent after the event".

It is my premise that the core of a program for prevention of genocide and genocidal terror should be based on applying public health models for prediction and prevention which specify surveillance, prevention and control of early genocidal conditions and proactive interventions keyed to early predictors. Based on the lessons of the Armenian Genocide, the Holocaust, former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Darfur, and many other genocides, it is clear that state sponsored incitement and hate language are highly specific early warning signs that should be the trip points for preventive legal action, instead of waiting for prosecution after genocide is over.

Text, subcontext, and context. The foregoing is the basis for some statements I would like to make about text, subtext, and context. The text is the threats--some claim they are merely predictions--to wipe Israel off the map as part of this decision. The subtext is the pictures of missiles below which phrases such as these threats appear. The context is the enriching of uranium in violation of UN resolutions, developing ever more advanced missile systems, promoting Holocaust denial, and supporting terror groups with explicitly stated genocidal agendas, and the fact that the President of the country carrying out such enrichment, is the most vocal advocate of these genocidal threats.

Subtext and context, I submit, are critically important. Up to Oct. 25 2005, Ahmadinejad's predecessors were quoted as having made many threats similar to those made by Ahmadinejad. These were ignored by the International legal community. Had these "inchoate" statements triggered some kind of punitive action, would we be where we are now? Re context, I would be willing to bet that Ahmadinejad--and many others--had made many similar statements on all kinds of soapboxes when he was a minor politician unknown to the world. The case for action to prevent an imminent peril emerged from the day he became President, acquired real power, his statements about wiping Israel off the map became headlines everywhere, and his government rejected all UN resolutions concerning Iran's nuclear plans.

Lapsed period between the statements and the actions. I believe the discussion of the lapsed period has to take into account the fact that children are those most vulnerable to the effects of incitement and hate language from official state sponsored sources, such as texts, media, and places of worship, and the effects may be decades later. We know that for adults, where there is an authoritarian environment, incitement can convert normal people into sadistic killers over a matter of months. But children are the most vulnerable group, as is the case for so many toxic exposures in medicine, and incitement and hate language reaching children increases the likelihood of intergenerational transmission of the effects. As with all cause-effect relationships in which the relations between exposure and effect may be years or decades (e.g. Asbestos, cigarette smoking and cancer, or DES in mothers and congenital malformations in their offspring), we cannot dismiss the case for legal action and accountability just because there is a long lapsed period between exposure and effect. Where the audience for incitement includes schoolchildren, even if there are no immediate effects, we have an obligation to apply R2P-the responsibility to protect future generations-to ensure R4L-Respect for Life.


Monday, April 21, 2008

Posner: Don't Expect Much from a New President When It Comes to IL
From Convictions, his argument that a Democrat president won't show any more respect for IL than Bush has, paired with an engaging episode of bloggingheads.tv with Heather Hurlbut (for those of you with busy lives, you can listen to Eric and Heather talk really fast with the new 1.4x function!). Eric takes his usual skeptical view of international law, arguing that while a Democrat would undoubtedly play up the happy talk it wouldn't make much difference in terms of real policy.

Maybe, maybe not. I see the argument here, and it's consistent with history. Democrats haven't been particularly supportive of IL when it comes to expending political capital (eg, Bill Clinton didn't go to bat very hard with unratified human rights conventions). Republicans haven't had a monopoly on sovereigntist thinking.

But perhaps things have changed. Even Bush himself seems to be knuckling under to IL, (obviously) not for any love of it, but simply because the cost-benefit calculation favors compliance. That's a big part of the Guantanamo story, as everyone casts about for a way to shut it down (including proposals from the likes of Jack Goldsmith and Matt Waxman to do it under cover of a new international legal regime). Cooperation on other fronts is urgent, and that cooperation will be more likely from a new administration (perhaps as much so from a McCain administration, on a Nixon-in-China basis). I agree with Heather Hurlbut's assessment that even ICC membership would be plausibly on the table, albeit only in a second term.

One thing I found puzzling in Eric's thinking here: in the diavlog, he suggests that Bush's rhetorical posture towards IL has itself been a mistake: "Bush should not have shown so much contempt for IL." But if IL doesn't amount to much, what difference does it make if you show contempt for it? And why should there be any consequence to that posture, in the same way that showing contempt for jaywalking laws doesn't cause anyone any problem? Do we need a theory of non-happy talk by way of an answer?

Update: A reader points me to this answer, from a 2000 paper by Goldsmith & Posner on moral and legal rhetoric in international relations:
Because [international] talk is cheap, no one will be influenced by a nation’s claim that it is civilized, that is, no nation would adjust its prior belief about the probability that the speaker is civilized. But a nation that failed to send this weak signal would reveal that it belongs to the rogue type. In equilibrium all nations send the signal by engaging in the appropriate international chatter. Failure to engage in the correct form of chatter would reveal that one is a rogue state. In this pooling equilibrium everyone sends the signal because no one gains from failing to send the signal. Talk does not have any effect on prior beliefs about the likelihood that the speaker is civilized, but it is not meaningless, because failure to engage in the right form of talk would convey information that the speaker is not civilized.
George Bush, not civilized.
John Ruggie on Corporate Complicity for Human Rights Violations
John Ruggie, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Human Rights and Transnational Corporations, issued a draft report last week that "presented a conceptual and policy framework to anchor the business and human rights debate." The section that particularly grabbed my attention was on corporate complicity for human rights violations. Notice the shift toward recognition of corporate responsibility for international law violations, something that has been debated for decades:


73. The corporate responsibility to respect human rights includes avoiding complicity. The concept has legal and non-legal pedigrees, and the implications of both are important for companies. Complicity refers to indirect involvement by companies in human rights abuses - where the actual harm is committed by another party, including governments and non-State actors. Due diligence can help a company avoid complicity.

74. The legal meaning of complicity has been spelled out most clearly in the area of aiding and abetting international crimes, i.e. knowingly providing practical assistance or encouragement that has a substantial effect on the commission of a crime, as discussed in the 2007 report of the Special Representative. The number of domestic jurisdictions in which charges for international crimes can be brought against corporations is increasing, and companies may also incur non-criminal liability for complicity in human rights abuses.

75. In non-legal contexts, corporate complicity has become an important benchmark for social actors, including public and private investors, the Global Compact, campaigning organizations, and companies themselves. Claims of complicity can impose reputational costs and even lead to divestment, without legal liability being established. In this context, allegations of complicity have included indirect violations of the broad spectrum of human rights - political, civil, economic, social, and cultural.

76. Owing to the relatively limited case history, especially in relation to companies rather than individuals, and given the substantial variations in definitions of complicity within and between the legal and non-legal spheres, it is not possible to specify definitive tests for what constitutes complicity in any given context. But companies should bear in mind the considerations set out below.

77. Mere presence in a country, paying taxes, or silence in the face of abuses is unlikely to amount to the practical assistance required for legal liability. However, acts of omission in narrow contexts have led to legal liability of individuals when the omission legitimized or encouraged the abuse. Moreover, under international criminal law standards, practical assistance or encouragement need neither cause the actual abuse, nor be related temporally or physically to the abuse.

78. Similarly, deriving a benefit from a human rights abuse is not likely on its own to bring legal liability. Nevertheless, benefiting from abuses may carry negative implications for companies in the public perception.

79. Legal interpretations of “having knowledge” vary. When applied to companies, it might require that there be actual knowledge, or that the company “should have known”, that its actions or omissions would contribute to a human rights abuse. Knowledge may be inferred from both direct and circumstantial facts. The “should have known” standard is what a company could reasonably be expected to know under the circumstances.

80. In international criminal law, complicity does not require knowledge of the specific abuse or a desire for it to have occurred, as long as there was knowledge of the contribution. Therefore, it may not matter that the company was merely carrying out normal business activities if those activities contributed to the abuse and the company was aware or should have been aware of its contribution. The fact that a company was following orders, fulfilling contractual obligations, or even complying with national law will not, alone, guarantee it legal protection.

81. In short, the relationship between complicity and due diligence is clear and compelling: companies can avoid complicity by employing the due diligence processes described above - which, as noted, apply not only to their own activities but also to the relationships connected with them.

Sunday, April 20, 2008

Pope Benedict XVI on Human Rights
Pope Benedict XVI's address at the United Nations General Assembly last week is definitely worth a read for anyone concerned about human rights. Here is an interesting excerpt on the natural law underpinnings of all human rights:


This reference to human dignity, which is the foundation and goal of the responsibility to protect, leads us to the theme we are specifically focusing upon this year, which marks the sixtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This document was the outcome of a convergence of different religious and cultural traditions, all of them motivated by the common desire to place the human person at the heart of institutions, laws and the workings of society, and to consider the human person essential for the world of culture, religion and science. Human rights are increasingly being presented as the common language and the ethical substratum of international relations. At the same time, the universality, indivisibility and interdependence of human rights all serve as guarantees safeguarding human dignity. It is evident, though, that the rights recognized and expounded in the Declaration apply to everyone by virtue of the common origin of the person, who remains the high-point of God’s creative design for the world and for history. They are based on the natural law inscribed on human hearts and present in different cultures and civilizations. Removing human rights from this context would mean restricting their range and yielding to a relativistic conception, according to which the meaning and interpretation of rights could vary and their universality would be denied in the name of different cultural, political, social and even religious outlooks. This great variety of viewpoints must not be allowed to obscure the fact that not only rights are universal, but so too is the human person, the subject of those rights.


Diane Marie Amann has more here, particularly on the Pope's affirmation of the "responsibility to protect."
ICTR to Hear Ntagerura's Motion to Order Canada to Grant Him Asylum
Since being unanimously acquitted by the ICTR Appeals Chamber in 2006, Andre Ntagerura has lived as a virtual prisoner in a UN safehouse in Arusha, unable to find a country that will take him. Last November, he filed a motion asking the ICTR to order Canada, his first choice, to grant him asylum. On Wednesday, the Court decided to hear what he has to say:
The President of International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Justice Dennis Byron, has granted an application to hear a motion of genocide acquitted former Rwandan Transport and Communications minister, Andre Ntagerura, who seeks relocation to Canada.

The former minister had asked the ICTR last November to order Canada to grant him asylum, stressing that it had systematically ignored the request for more than three years made by the tribunal's administration.

The decision was posted Wednesday on the tribunal's official website. The date for hearing has yet to be fixed.

Ntagerura had also requested the ICTR president to refer to the Security Council the Canadian authorities refusal to co-operate on the matter [relocation], but the argument was rejected.
If accurately reported -- I can't find the decision on the ICTR website -- Justice Byron's decision is rather surprising. Although Article 28 of the ICTR Statute requires states to "comply without undue delay with any request for assistance or an order issued by a Trial Chamber’," I find it very unlikely that the ICTR would actually order a state to grant Ntagerura asylum. I sympathize with his plight, and have strongly criticized states' reluctance to even consider acquittees' asylum requests, but I don't think states should -- or can -- be forced to take them. What does seem fair is precisely what Justice Byron refused to do: refer Canada to the Security Council, which imposed on states the duty to cooperate with the ICTR in the first place.

We'll see what happens. Readers who are interested in these issues might want to check out my essay "What Happens to the Acquitted," which will appear in the Leiden Journal of International Law in the next couple of months. It's availble on SSRN here.

ADDENDUM: Peter Robinson, one of the leading defense attorneys at the ICTY and ICTR, has used my article as part of his efforts to convince the ICTR to amend Article 99 of the ICTR Statute to include the following paragraph:
(C) Upon application by an acquitted person, the President may request a State, pursuant to Article 28 of the Statute, to allow such a person to reside within its territory. The President may report a State which fails to comply with such a request to the United Nations Security Council pursuant to Rule 7 bis.
Neither Peter nor I are optimistic that his efforts will succeed, but it's still gratifying to have some impact, however minor, on the practice of international criminal law!